Accountability and Climate Change in Albany

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It’s that time of year in Albany when a wave of bills sweeps ashore in the New York State Legislature, among them a number of critical climate and energy transition measures.

The big question on the minds of climate and environmental activists and their legislative allies is pretty straightforward: to what extent is Governor Kathy Hochul committed to fulfilling not just the letter but the spirit of the state’s 2019 Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA)?

Assemblymember Anna Kelles speaking at a NY Renews rally in January. Photo courtesy of NY Renews.

Uncertainty and Anziety
Close on the heels of this question is a related issue: the State Climate Action Council has developed a substantive, thoughtful roadmap for meeting the ambitious goals of the CLCPA, but it remains unclear how energetically the governor intends to pursue it.

Feeding this sense of uncertainty are the challenges facing the rollout of utility-scale renewable energy projects in New York. As Marie French points out in a recent article, recent setbacks in developing industrial wind and solar have raised serious doubts about the state’s ability to meet the demands of the Climate Law, which requires that 70 percent of New York’s power come from renewable sources by 2030.

Finding a Solution
At the same time, extreme weather events attributable to climate change have been escalating, creating a palpable sense of urgency about the need to find a solution. As Raya Salter, a member of the Climate Action Council and founder of the Energy Justice Law and Policy Center, puts it, “The stakes are higher than ever so the governor needs to be willing to step out and make sure that we fully implement the CLCPA.”

There is certainly no shortage of suggestions about how to do this. One of the boldest set of proposals before the legislators is the Climate, Jobs, and Justice Package (CJJP) advanced by NY Renews, a coalition made up of over 370 environmental, justice, faith, labor, and community groups, including TCCPI.

The CJJP has three main components: 1) fully fund the CLCPA so that it can achieve its objectives; 2) build renewable energy for all and create green union jobs; and 3) hold polluters accountable and ensure everyone pays their fair share in taxes. Here are the details about how this would be accomplished:

  • The People’s Climate Justice Budget is a $1 billion spending plan that outlines critical climate and environmental justice programs that would constitute a downpayment on the more than $10 billion a year the state estimates is necessary to address the climate crisis. It builds on the creation of the Climate Action Fund (CAF) in 2023, seizing a historic opportunity to fund projects across the state.
  • The NY HEAT (Home Energy Affordable Transition) Act would eliminate subsidies for new gas hookups (the “100-foot rule”), enable neighborhood scale building decarbonization by eliminating the “obligation to serve” gas, and ensure that no household pays more than 6% of its income for energy. The plan would also ban the construction of any new gas plants in areas where they do not already exist after September 30, 2023.
  • The Just Energy Transition Act provides a plan to guide the replacement and redevelopment of at least 4 GW of New York State’s fossil fuel facilities by 2030. It lays out a clear direction for proceeding with the transition off fossil fuels in accordance with the CLCPA requirements. Converting these facilities to renewable energy as soon as possible will generate climate and economic benefits as well as public health benefits.
  • The Climate Change Superfund Act holds major oil companies, the state’s worst climate polluters, accountable for the harm they’ve inflicted on New York between 2000 and 2018. It would require companies that have contributed significantly to the buildup of greenhouse gases to bear a share of the costs of infrastructure investments required to adapt to the impacts of climate change in the state. The program would assess the major fossil fuel emitters $3 billion annually over the span of 25 years to offset the climate damages incurred by the state.

Not included in the CJJP, but closely aligned with it, is the Stop Climate Polluter Handouts Act. Many supporters view it, in particular, as a companion bill to the Climate Superfund Act, arguing that New York shouldn’t be providing huge subsidies to an industry that is causing so much destruction. This legislation will end the most egregious state subsidies of over $330 million each year (out of an annual total of $1.6 billion) to oil and gas companies.

These are just a few of the bills under consideration in Albany. Efforts to ensure that the Cap-and-Invest program doesn’t devolve into a cap-and-trade shell game; to make the fashion industry more transparent when it comes to supply chains, carbon emissions, and labor conditions; to reduce plastic packaging and modernize the bottle bill; and to push the governor and legislature to figure out how state facilities in downtown Albany, including the Empire State Plaza and State Capitol, could receive their electric power and heating and cooling from 100% renewable energy are all crucial ways in which New York can demonstrate its seriousness about fulfilling the vision of the CLCPA.

As Raya Salter contends, “the stakes are higher than ever.” The governor and legislature need to demonstrate the vision and leadership that act on this understanding, and it’s up to the rest of us to hold their feet to the fire. TCCPI will be right there with our allies in the climate and energy transition movement, making sure that our representatives feel the heat and act accordingly.

Success and Failure at COP28

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The expectations for COP28, given the track record of recent U.N. climate conferences, were low. Held in Dubai earlier this month, it appeared from the outset to be a captive of the global fossil fuel industry. About 2,400 people connected to the coal, oil and gas industries, an all-time high, registered for COP28. As the dust settled following the talks, however, a mixed picture emerged, one with a few important achievements alongside some notable failures.

The president of the summit, Sultan Ahmed al-Jaber (center), is chief executive of the state-owned Abu Dhabi National Oil Company. Photo by UNclimatechange licensed under CC BY NC-SA 2.0 DEED.

Significant Achievements

  • Loss and Damage Fund: The Loss and Damage Fund, dedicated to aiding vulnerable nations already grappling with the devastating consequences of climate change, marked an historic breakthrough. It acknowledges the responsibility of developed nations and their obligation to support those on the frontline of the crisis.
  • Fossil Fuel: For the first time, a COP agreement explicitly called for “transitioning away from fossil fuels.” The pact represented a compromise and is not legally binding, but it should signal to investors and policymakers that a turning point has been reached.
  • Methane Mitigation: Recognizing methane’s potent warming effect, COP28 implemented several measures to buttress COP26’s Global Methane Pledge, aimed at reducing anthropogenic methane emissions by 30% by 2030. The U.S. and European Union put in place new regulations and oil and gas producers announced new pledges to curb methane emissions. The latter commitments, though, were strictly voluntary.
  • Adaptation: Adaptation received increased attention, with targets established on water security, ecosystem restoration, and health. By 2025, all countries must have in place a detailed plan to adapt to the current and future impacts of climate change in their countries, and must demonstrate progress in implementing such a plan by 2030.
  • Financial Commitments: Data published in the run up to COP28 indicated that developed countries finally fulfilled their long overdue promise to provide $100 billion in 2022 to help poorer countries deal with climate change. In addition, initial contributions of $429 million to the Loss and Damage Fund reinforced this acknowledgement of financial responsibility.

Critical Failures

Despite these achievements, COP28 fell short in several critical areas:

  • Ambition Gap: The agreed-upon measures are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C. The “carbon budget” for 1.5°C will be exhausted in around five years at current levels of emissions. Developed nations need to significantly ramp up their ambition and action.
  • Fossil Fuel Loophole: The language about the need to transition away from fossil fuels stopped short of calling for a “phase out,” leaving room for interpretation and potential loopholes. Fossil fuel interests will continue to exert undue influence, hindering a definitive shift towards clean energy.
  • Finance Shortfall: While the $100 billion target for 2022 was finally met, it barely scratches the surface of the actual need. Adaptation finance remains “woefully inadequate,” leaving developing nations struggling to cope with climate impacts.
  • Equity and Justice: The voices of developing nations and marginalized communities were largely ignored at COP28. The principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” remains unrealized, with historical polluters failing to take commensurate action.
  • Human Rights Concerns: Hosting COP28 in Dubai, with its record of widespread human rights violations, raised concerns about silencing dissent and hindering meaningful participation.

The Road Ahead

COP28’s mixed bag leaves the world at a crossroads. While the achievements offer a glimmer of hope, the failures highlight the urgency of the moment. Here are some key takeaways for the road ahead:

  • Increased Ambition: Developed nations must significantly ratchet up their emissions reduction targets and concretely implement their commitments.
  • Just Transition: A just and equitable transition away from fossil fuels is crucial. Investments must prioritize vulnerable communities and support workers in high-carbon industries towards alternative livelihoods.
  • Enhanced Finance: Developed nations must scale up adaptation funding and fulfill their responsibility to support the most vulnerable.
  • Amplifying Marginalized Voices: The voices of developing nations, Indigenous communities, and other marginalized groups must be heard and acted upon. Inclusive decision-making is essential for effective climate action.
  • Holding Polluters Accountable: Developed nations, historically responsible for most emissions, must take ownership of their role and provide adequate financial and technological support to developing nations.

Clearly, COP28 did not deliver the transformational change needed, but it did offer some signs of progress as well as stepping stones for future action. The time for incremental steps, though, is over. The window of opportunity is closing and we must move quickly if we hope to avoid the onset of runaway climate change. Finally, if nothing else, the climate talks underscored the importance of local climate action for generating tangible results.

Nation’s Leading Climate Report Focuses New Attention on Environmental Justice

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As climate change has accelerated in the United States, it’s become clear that its consequences are not experienced equally in the U.S. The specifics of these disproportionate impacts are the focus of a groundbreaking federal report issued last month by some of the nation’s leading climate scientists, public health experts, and economists.

The release marks the first time a National Climate Assessment, mandated by Congress under the Global Change Research Act of 1990, has treated environmental justice as an important consideration in its findings. Why the new attention? As the Fifth National Climate Assessment puts it, “An equitable and sustainable U.S. response to climate change has the potential to reduce climate impacts while improving well-being, strengthening resilience, benefiting the economy, and, in part, redressing legacies of racism and injustice.”

Hurricane Harvey in 2017 had a disproportinate impact on poor African American neighborhoods in Houston.

The report outlines in detail how lower-income families and communities of color have historically experienced the worst environmental damage while benefiting the least from regulation, adaptation efforts, and recovery funding. It examines how marginalized groups, among other things, have a greater likelihood of living in a flood zone, lacking access to parks and other green spaces, and having fewer resources to recover from extreme weather events such as hurricanes, flash floods, and wildfires.

“Climate change affects us all, but it doesn’t affect us all equally,” observes Katharine Hayhoe, chief scientist of The Nature Conservancy and one of the report’s authors. “This new assessment provides a more comprehensive understanding of how climate impacts disproportionately affect those who have done the least to cause the problem. These impacts exacerbate social inequities, including racial and gender-based disparities; and they emphasize how climate solutions must also be solutions for justice and equity.”

According to Inside Climate News, previous assessments “approached the inequitable outcomes of the climate crisis as an afterthought,” making scattered references to “social justice,” “climate justice” or “environmental justice.” In contrast, the Fifth National Climate Assessment threads discussions of social, economic, and health inequities throughout the entire report.

In a key chapter on “Social Systems and Justice,” the study argues that the necessary elements of a just transition are: 1) recognizing lower-income families and communities of color have borne disparate burdens and social injustices and thus may have different needs; 2) ensuring people affected by the outcomes of decision-making are included in those processes; and 3) distributing resources and opportunities so that no single group or set of individuals receives disproportionate benefits or burdens.

The report, which comes out roughly every four years, compiles the latest peer-reviewed studies and other relevant research on climate change and weaves them into a comprehensive document for U.S. policymakers. The National Climate Assessment is widely considered to be the nation’s most authoritative document on how global warming is affecting the country, so the new attention to environmental justice, while overdue, is welcome and deserves broad public attention.

Time to Rein in the Cargill Salt Mine

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Cayuga Lake is one of our community’s most precious natural assets. Not only does it offer a large array of recreational opportunities, but it also provides the drinking water for over 100,000 people. As global warming accelerates and fresh water sources become increasingly scarce, we are fortunate to have such a plentiful resource available. In addition, as Assemblymember Anna Kelles points out, the $3-billion-dollar local agritourism economy, which employs 60,000 people, depends on the lake. Continue reading →

From Climate Crisis to Climate Chaos

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It’s been a record-shattering summer, and from the looks of it, we’re well on our way from climate crisis to climate chaos. Historic heat waves, wildfires, and floods have struck the U.S., Canada, Europe, China, and India, among other places. No doubt the return of El Niño has temporarily exacerbated the frequency and intensity of recent extreme weather events, but climate scientists are clear that the major factor at work is the continued burning of fossil fuels.

The world has not yet passed a tipping point into runaway climate change, say these scientists, but we’re getting closer. They warn that, as unnerving as this summer has been, even worse impacts are sure to come if we don’t move fast to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. “Climate science’s projections [have been] pretty robust over the last decades,” notes Professor Malte Meinshausen of the University of Melbourne in Australia in a Guardian interview from earlier this week. “Unfortunately, humanity’s stubbornness to spew out ever-higher amounts of greenhouse gases has also been pretty robust.


Flooding in Vermont, July 2023. Photo by Nicolas Erwin licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Hottest July Ever

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) announced this month that July 2023 was the warmest July in its 174 years of recordkeeping, and the global surface temperature of the January-July period ranked as the third warmest ever. For the fourth consecutive month, global ocean surface temperatures hit a record high.

“The era of global warming has ended; the era of global boiling has arrived,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres declared last month. “Leaders must lead. No more hesitancy. No more excuses. No more waiting for others to move first. There is simply no more time for that.”

Climate Inequality

The disproportionate impact of climate destabilization has never been more evident. A report on climate inequality released by the World Inequality Lab (WIL) earlier this year found that the top 10% of the world’s carbon emitters were responsible for almost 50% of global greenhouse gas emissions, and the top 1% of global emitters generate more emissions than the entire bottom half. Agricultural productivity has declined by 30% in many low-income regions due to climate change, thus making poverty and food insecurity even worse.

The IPCC Sixth Assessment synthesis report issued in March concluded that climate change impacts are already more far-reaching and extreme than anticipated. Global warming of 1.1°C (1.98°F) has already set off unprecedented changes to Earth’s climate, and 3.3 billion to 3.6 billion people currently live in countries highly vulnerable to climate impacts. According to the report, the death toll from extreme weather disasters is 15 times as high in vulnerable nations as it is elsewhere.

A window still exists to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, the report points out, but it is a narrow one. To limit global warming to 1.5°C (2.7°F), greenhouse gas emissions need to peak before 2025 at the very latest, get cut in half by 2030, and reach net zero by 2050. The global consumption of coal must fall 95% by 2050, oil use must decline by 60%, and gas by about 45%. The annual investment in clean energy investment worldwide needs to increase between 3 and 6 times by 2030.

Fossil Fuel Subsidies

It’s in the context of these findings from NOAA, WIL, and the IPCC that an analysis of global fossil fuel subsidies from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) strikes with special force. Total subsidies for oil, gas, and coal in 2022 surged to a record $7 trillion (a rise of $2 trillion over two years), costing the equivalent of 7.1% of global gross domestic product.

As the IMF observes, that’s more than governments spend annually on education (4.3% of global income) and about two thirds of what they spend on healthcare (10.9%). Another way of putting these hard-to-swallow facts is that fossil fuels were subsidized in 2022 at the rate of $13 million a minute. The biggest subsidizers of fossil fuels were China, the U.S., Russia, the European Union, and India. The G20 nations cause 80% of global carbon emissions, yet they spent a record $1.4 trillion on fossil fuel subsidies in 2022.

The cognitive dissonance generated by the juxtaposition of recent extreme weather events, on the one hand, and the enormous undercharging of fossil fuel costs and their environmental impacts, on the other, could hardly be more head splitting. In the words of the IMF, scrapping fossil fuel subsidies “would prevent 1.6 million premature deaths annually, raise government revenues by $4.4 trillion, and put emissions on track toward reaching global warming targets.” To put it bluntly, ending these subsidies must be at the center of any effective climate solution.

TCCPI at Fifteen

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It’s hard to believe, but this summer marks the 15th anniversary of the Tompkins County Climate Protection Initiative. At the time of TCCPI’s launch in June 2008 I was working on a book with a colleague at Second Nature, a nonprofit think tank in Boston dedicated to promoting the higher education sustainability movement. One of the key themes in the book, Boldly Sustainable: Hope and Opportunity for Higher Education in the Age of Climate Change (2009) was the need for greater collaboration between colleges and universities and the communities in which they operated.

I was drafting a chapter for the book in early 2008 on sustainability, economic development, and community partnerships, exploring several case studies across the U.S., including Ithaca. I had stepped down the previous year from the provost’s office at Ithaca College, where I had helped lead what became a nationally recognized sustainability initiative, to join Second Nature as a senior fellow. Having left the academic world following a quarter century as a faculty member and administrator, I became much more aware of the disconnect between campuses and communities in the emerging sustainability movement. 

Time for Collaboration

Looking over the Ithaca landscape, it seemed to me that the time was right for an effort that would bring together higher education institutions, local governments, nonprofits, and businesses around the need for climate action and the energy transition. I brought the idea to the Park Foundation and submitted a grant proposal for what became TCCPI; the foundation generously funded the proposal and has continued to do so with unstinting support.

In that time, TCCPI has held about 165 monthly meetings, published 76 newsletters, and issued 14 annual reports of member accomplishments regarding climate action, clean energy, and sustainability. In 2016, as part of an effort to strengthen our engagement with the private sector, we established (with the assistance of a grant from NYSERDA) the Ithaca 2030 District, part of what is now a network of 24 urban districts in the U.S. and Canada dedicated to improving the energy and water performance of commercial buildings in downtown areas. 

From an initial base of 15 buildings, the Ithaca 2030 District has grown to 44 buildings with 584,381 square feet of committed space. Besides our quarterly meetings and newsletters, we provide each property member with an interactive, online dashboard that measures the energy and water performance of their individual buildings. These dashboards are regularly updated so that owners, managers, and tenants can monitor their progress. You can find our latest annual district-level report here.

Policy Advocacy

Apart from the founding of the Ithaca 2030 District, perhaps the most significant change in TCCPI since its beginning is the extent to which we have become involved over the last few years in policy advocacy. Our activities in this area are primarily focused on the state level, and we are members of three statewide activist coalitions: NY Renews, Renewable Heat Now, and Climate Can’t Wait. The passage of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act in 2019 and the subsequent establishment of the Climate Action Council, which released its recommendations for a state climate plan this past December, as well as the flurry of bills sparked by these recommendations, have constituted the main catalyst for this evolution in TCCPI’s work. At the local level, we have been a strong and active supporter of the Ithaca Green New Deal.

Underlying this new attention on policy advocacy is a mounting sense of urgency as the climate crisis becomes an undeniable reality of our present, one that has had a disproportionate impact on marginalized groups and which demands that we place equity and justice at the center of our efforts. In the face of this growing awareness and public support for action, however, the fossil fuel industry and its allies have responded with misinformation, fear mongering, and a deep-seated commitment to maintaining the status quo.

In the process, it’s become clear that the most effective way to push back and secure a safe, just, and healthy future is collective action by well-organized citizens fighting for our communities and making sure no one is left behind. Animated by this spirit, TCCPI will keep moving forward in the years to come. As Thomas Berry writes in The Great Work: Our Way into the Future, unless we devote ourselves to preserve and enhance the life, beauty, and diversity of the planet for the generations to come, we will become “impoverished in all that makes us human.”

Ithaca 2030 District Annual Report for 2022

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The Ithaca 2030 District recently released its fourth annual progress report.  As the report shows, the District as a whole in 2022 reduced its energy consumption by 27% from the baseline and realized a savings of 40% in water use. Thus, at the end of last year, we were over three-quarters of the way toward the 2025 energy goal and 80% of the way towards the 2030 water target.

The latest greenhouse gas inventory showed that buildings in the city make up an estimated 58% of emissions in Ithaca, with the commercial sector contributing 38%. Clearly, achieving the city-wide goal of carbon neutrality by 2030 depends in great measure on dramatically reducing the carbon footprint of our buildings.

The Ithaca 2030 District—the flagship program of the Tompkins County Climate Protection Initiative (TCCPI)—is a voluntary effort by property owners and tenants to improve the energy and water performance of their buildings as well as to bring about cuts in commuter transportation emissions.

The District continues to experience considerable growth. Currently, there are 44 member buildings and 584,381 square feet of committed space, compared to 33 buildings and 417,089 square feet in 2021. That’s a 40% increase in committed square footage. For the purposes of this annual report, we focus on the 30 property members, 41 buildings, and 532,097 square feet that belonged to the District at the end of 2022.

Commuter emissions remained an area of concern in 2022. There was, however, an improvement: they dropped from 1706 kg CO2e/commuter/year in 2021 to 1421, a 16% reduction and significantly below the pre-pandemic level of 1,603. We still remain above the 2020 target of 1200, but at least now we’re headed in the right direction.

Besides the annual district-level report, each of the property members is provided access to a confidential interactive, dynamic dashboard that measures the energy and water performance of their individual buildings. These dashboards are regularly updated so that building owners and tenants can monitor their progress towards the individual 2030 energy and water targets.

Check out the full 2022 report for details about the progress and growth of the Ithaca 2030 District.

Viewing the Climate Through Wildfire Smoke

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We woke up to a new reality in Ithaca and Tompkins County this week. Smoke from hundreds of wildfires in Canada filled the air, carried south by the jet stream. We’re used to complaining about the gray weather in the Finger Lakes, but this was different. The sky turned yellow, brown, and orange, casting an apocalyptic-like glow across our much-loved landscape, and temperatures dropped rapidly as the sun dimmed.

Schools canceled outdoor activities, the public health department urged people to stay indoors, and masks put away after the COVID pandemic were retrieved. This wasn’t supposed to happen here. We thought we were spared the awful consequences of wildfires spreading destruction, fear, and even death. We thought these kinds of events were confined to the West, not something we had to worry about in verdant upstate New York

Quebec wildfire in June.

We found out this week, however, that smoke doesn’t respect national borders and far-flung catastrophes thousands of miles away can have a terrible impact on our community here. The planet, it turns out, is a small place.

“As Smoke Darkens the Sky, the Future Becomes Clear” — that was the headline of David Wallace-Wells’ New York Times column on Wednesday. The lesson is a simple one: as the planet heats up, the fuel for wildfire dries out, waiting to burst into flames. Wallace-Wells recounts a recent interview with John Vaillant, author of “Fire Weather: A True Story From a Hotter World,” in which he observes ominously that “Fire isn’t going away. We’re going to be burning for this entire century.”

Understanding that we are entering a new epoch, what fire historian Stephen Pyne calls “the pyrocene,” brings new urgency to the task of building electrification and decarbonization. We need to renew our commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions in Ithaca and Tompkins County and work to make the future less harrowing for the generations to come.

This smoke-filled week has also underscored the importance of getting our elected officials to take action on the key climate and energy issues before them. It’s been especially frustrating to watch the current legislative session in Albany wind down as many crucial bills remain stuck in committee. This is especially true in the General Assembly, where the leadership has sat on legislation that would clearly pass if sent to the floor.

There have been some significant victories, among them the All-Electric Building Act, the nation’s first ban on the use of fossil fuels in new construction, and the Build Public Renewables Act, which will expand the development of publicly-produced clean energy. Furthermore, a dangerous effort to water down the state’s landmark climate law was defeated.

But it remains to be seen if the Senate-approved NY HEAT Act, which would end subsidized gas hookups and reduce utility bills for low- and middle-income families, will be acted on in the waning hours of the General Assembly session. In addition, efforts to end at least some of the $1.4 billion annual tax subsidies for fossil fuels, reduce plastic packaging, divest the state teachers’ pension fund from fossil fuels, make climate polluters pay for the ongoing environmental damage they have caused, and provide protections for environmental justice communities languish in the wings. It is a mixed record at best.

As Philip Kennicott reminds us in yesterday’s Washington Post, “change is possible” and “the world doesn’t need to be this way.” In his words, “The tools we need to reverse climate change are already here, and perhaps even better ones will emerge.” Clearly, the time to put these tools to work is now.

No Watering Down the NYS Climate Law

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We know from the work of Cornell University Professor Robert Howarth and other scientists that two properties of methane make it a critical greenhouse gas: on the one hand, it has roughly 80 times the warming power of carbon dioxide over a 20-year period, and on the other, it begins to dissipate in the atmosphere after a decade, as opposed to many centuries for carbon dioxide. Together these characteristics mean that rapidly cutting methane can have a major impact in the near future on heading off runaway climate change.

For this reason Howarth, a member of the NY Climate Action Council (CAC), sought to secure a new approach to methane emissions as part of the 2019 Climate Protection and Community Leadership Act (CLCPA), measuring them over a 20-year time frame rather than the 100-year time frame previously used in the state. Doing so, in his words, provided NY policymakers with a tool that “more heavily weighs the role of methane as an agent of warming over the next few decades.”

U.S. Methane Emissions by Sector, 2020. Photo credit: Climate Central.


Dropping a Bomb

Most officials in Albany and the climate and environmental justice movements assumed this change was a settled matter following the release of the CAC’s final scoping plan last December.

But in early April Gov. Kathy Hochul indicated her support for bills sponsored by Democratic chairs of the State Senate and General Assembly energy committees to abandon the new method of methane accounting embedded in the climate law and the CAC report, reverting to the 100-year time frame.

Highlighting the Hochul administration’s support for this initiative, the co-chairs of the CAC published an opinion article arguing that the change was necessary to protect “the competitiveness of our businesses” and retain jobs. “As it stands today, the climate act’s emissions accounting method is certain to be a major driver of future costs for New York families,” wrote Basil Seggos, commissioner of the NYS Department of Environmental Conservation, and Doreen Harris, president and CEO of the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority.

Besides the proposed alteration in measuring methane emissions, the bills introduced by Sen. Kevin Parker (D-Brooklyn) and Didi Barrett (D-Hudson) would exclude emissions generated by the combustion of biomass and biofuels from statewide totals of GHG emissions and include anaerobic digestion and forest biopower in the state’s definition of “renewable energy systems,” contrary to the CLCPA and CAC.

A Fierce Reaction

Coming in the midst of budget negotiations, these moves set off a firestorm. Opponents in the climate and environmental movements rallied immediately, asserting that the bills would deliver a “a body blow” to the nation-leading climate law and constituted “an accounting trick” designed to placate the oil and gas lobby. “Governor Hochul would side with the fossil fuel industry to torpedo New York’s landmark climate law, along with her own budget proposals to address the climate crisis, should she move forward with a proposal to weaken the state’s accounting for methane emissions,” said Liz Moran, the NY policy advocate for Earthjustice. TCCPI joined dozens of other groups in sending a memo of opposition within 24 hours of the breaking news.

The ability of so many organizations to mount a powerful campaign of phone calls, emails, and social media messages on such short notice was both impressive and inspiring. The depth and breadth of the backlash clearly came as a surprise to the Hochul administration. Two days after the Seggos and Harris op-ed, Gov. Hochul backed off the drive to weaken the climate law as part of the budget negotiations. It was not a coincidence that this took place the same day that Howarth and two dozen other scientists from Cornell University, Stanford University, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology sent a letter of protest.

In the end, at least for now, science won and the fossil fuel industry lost. There is a distinct possibility, however, that the attempt to water down the climate law will raise its head again following the approval of the state budget. As it is, the proposal to redefine renewable energy to include biofuels is still on the table. Both this and the effort to change the methane accounting rule must be kept from becoming law.

It is one thing to stop these kinds of ill-considered and ill-timed moves and another to achieve victory for the crucial climate justice and clean energy legislation still under consideration in Albany. The so-called “conceptual agreement” on the budget reached  on April 27th includes a ban on the use of fossil fuels in new construction, and the proposal for a cap-and-invest program is still in the mix. The details of both, however, as well as the fate of other important climate and energy bills, remain uncertain.

Time grows short to implement the measures necessary to ensure the success of the CLCPA and bolster the CAC’s plan to avoid even worse climate chaos. The lesson to be learned from the latest developments is clear: the only real possibility of success in the face of the relentless pressure brought to bear by the oil and gas lobby is unstinting collective action by well-organized citizens fighting for their communities. We must remain vigilant and make sure our elected representatives hear us.

Climate Action & the NY Fossil Fuel Industry

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The 2023 session of the New York state legislature is well underway at this point, and a flurry of important climate and clean energy bills have been introduced in the General Assembly and State Senate. Following the recent release of the state plan approved by the Climate Action Council, as required by the 2019 Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA), lawmakers are seeking ways to buttress its recommendations.

State legislators welcome Gov. Hochul for her 2023 State of the State address. Photo courtesy of NYS Senate Media Services licensed under CC By 2.0.

Given the potential of the various proposals to accelerate an equitable energy transition, it’s not surprising they have stirred up opposition and anxieties. In particular, the fossil fuel industry has mounted an aggressive lobbying campaign to undermine these far-reaching efforts and hamper the ability of the state to meet its climate targets.

A recent report issued by the nonprofit Public Accountability Initiative lays out in great detail the attempts of the industry to obstruct climate action in New York. It points out that millions of dollars have been spent by the industry and its supporters “to delay, water down and otherwise frustrate the implementation of the CLCPA and other key climate legislation.”

“Legislators, communities and other stakeholders invested in a cleaner, greener, decarbonized future for New York must stay vigilant around efforts by the fossil fuel industry to muzzle and erode” the state’s climate actions, the report warns.

Not only are the oil and gas industry representatives engaging in aggressive inside lobbying of legislators in Albany, they are working hand in hand with gas utilities to disseminate misinformation among the general public, muddying the waters and generating unwarranted fears. Deploying online ads and robocalls, they are raising the prospect of “power outages and cost increases.” “We need all energy options to keep the lights on and heat flowing,” they misleadingly claim.

The fossil fuel companies have been mobilizing their customers to contact state lawmakers and express their opposition to building electrification. What’s especially galling is that New York State hands out about $1.5 billion each year in tax subsidies to these companies, which are then turning around and spending a significant portion of the dollars to fund their misinformation and lobbying machine.

There is hope, however, that this time the industry will not be as effective as it has been in the past at stopping crucial climate action. Rich Schrader, New York State policy director at the Natural Resources Defense Council, notes that the oil and gas groups engaged in these tactics last year and have now lost the element of surprise. In addition, the advantages of new technologies such as cold-weather heat pumps have come into sharper focus.

“The politics have changed, information has changed, and the [federal] incentives are much clearer now,” he observes. “All that weighs against their propaganda.”